“Batenge toh katenge”, or the more positive-sounding “Ek hain toh safe hain”, is part of the BJP’s poll lexicon this Maharashtra campaign. The party has included the promise of an anti-conversion law in its manifesto, despite ally NCP’s unease over a Hindutva agenda, and is telling farmers that under the Congress, their land could be taken over by the waqf board.

In the past few days, since a resolution was passed by the newly elected J&K Assembly seeking restoration of special status for Jammu and Kashmir, the BJP has reopened the Article 370 chapter against the Congress. Other party leaders have drawn a line linking the Congress to the Razakars of the pre-Independence Hyderabad State.

And on Tuesday, a video surfaced of Deputy Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, not usually known for such language, targeting the AIMIM with an abusive reference to Aurangzeb and a promise to capture Pakistan.

This ramping up of the BJP’s Hindutva narrative comes on the back of a long couple of months in Maharashtra when an organisation called the Sakal Hindu Samaj, with the backing of senior BJP leaders, held “anti-love jihad” rallies across the state. Closer to elections, top state BJP leaders including Fadnavis added “vote jihad” to the poll narrative, in an undisguised attack on minority voting patterns.

In Versova seat of Mumbai, Fadnavis said, “The love jihad, the land jihad should be countered by dharma yuddha (religious war).”

Wary of a Maratha-Muslim consolidation behind the Maha Vikas Aghadi, apprehensive of farm distress hitting it in rural areas which make up more than half the state’s constituencies, and seeking to check the Opposition’s caste census gambit aimed at backward groups, the BJP has fallen back on Hindutva issues to consolidate the Hindu vote.

The other incentive to go harder on Hindutva issues was the Lok Sabha results, with the BJP winning just nine seats, a sharp drop from 23 in 2019.

Sources said the strategy was thrashed out following realisation that attempts to tackle caste and farmer issues by the party were not having the required success. A senior BJP functionary, requesting anonymity, admitted: “We had been confident that the course correction undertaken by extending welfare schemes to the agriculture sector would dilute farmer anger over low kharif crop prices. We never anticipated anger of such scale.”

The BJP’s calculation that the Maratha anger over quota would dissipate, particularly given the flip-flops by its main face Manoj Jarange-Patil, has also largely failed. Jarange-Patil’s decision to not support anybody could end up favouring the MVA more by ensuring that the Maratha vote is not split and stays united behind the coalition.

At least for some, the Hindutva appeal overpowers other concerns. Ramesh Shelke of village Chicholi in Nagpur district lists half-a-dozen complaints against the Mahayuti’s mishandling of the agriculture sector. But, he adds: “One must give them credit for keeping the Hindutva agenda intact.”

In Nagpur urban, a state government employee, requesting anonymity, says: “From the Ram temple to the abrogation of Article 370, it was possible only because of the BJP.” In a state where Hindus are in a majority, “why should we buckle to their (Muslim) pressure”, the official says.

The reason to field Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, who first gave the slogan “Katenge toh batenge”, is tactical too as an appeal to the large North Indian migrant population.

Beyond Hindu-majority areas, the consolidation of Hindu votes may help the BJP get past rivals even in areas where Muslims are in more substantial numbers. The BJP’s Hindutva push is, in fact, especially prominent in constituencies where Muslim votes are a decisive factor.

At least 15 Assembly constituencies in Maharashtra have a large Muslim population, ranging from 30% to 78% of the total. Muslims are estimated to make up around 12% of the state’s population.

So, it was at Dhule in North Maharashtra last week that Modi rephrased Adityanath’s “Katenge toh batenge” to the “Ek hain toh safe hain” slogan. The Dhule City constituency was won by the AIMIM in 2019, and the BJP has a powerful rival in a former party leader in the seat.

Criticising the BJP’s agenda, senior Congress leader Balasaheb Thorat gives the example of the BJP raising the waqf land row: “Seven out of 12 land plots on an average are officially registered in revenue records. How can anybody take away individual rights? These are fake narratives used by the BJP to mislead farmers. They have always used caste, religion for votes. It will not work,” he says.

Senior BJP leader Shivray Kulkarni, however, argues that “what Modi ji, Adityanath and Fadnavis are saying is based on ground realities”, plus long-lasting Sangh belief. “The PM’s call for Hindu unity (‘Ek hain toh safe hain’) has its origins in the very foundation of the RSS, as it was formed to unite Hindus as one block rising above caste, community… ‘Batenge toh katenge’ too is a reality as there have been instances in the recent past of Hindus being targeted. And not a single secular outfit protested. Even what Fadnavis said about vote jihad actually played out in the Lok Sabha 2024 polls.”

Kulkarni adds that it is understandable “if Muslims vote for the Congress because of ideology”. “But when they tell the community that Modi should be defeated at any cost, that people should vote for anybody other than the BJP… it is proof of vote jihad.”

Earlier, distancing himself from Adityanath’s remarks, ally Ajit Pawar had said: “Maharashtra is a progressive state with an illustrious culture and tradition… At times some outside leaders indulge in such things to appeal to people from their states settled in Maharashtra.”

NCP leaders said Ajit Pawar has told them to guard against remarks targeting any caste, community or religion at poll rallies.

Maharashtra NCP chief Sunil Tatkare said, “Ajit Pawar has explained the party’s position. We believe in a Maharashtra where the teachings of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, Dr B R Ambedkar, Chhatrapati Shahu and Mahatma Phule prevail.”